Mr Brock's theme is the oppression of foreign blacks, from other tribes by
South African blacks. He does not mention that the same black
Racists hate White Men even
more. They don't just hate; they act, they have the power to abuse power. That
is real power. Their objective is
Ethnic Cleansing &
Genocide. The Beeb keeps quiet about that too.
See e.g.
Black South African MP Says Bury White Farmers Alive
or even Bring Me My Machine Gun, the
popular song by Zuma, the famous politician, thief,
rapist and President of South Africa.
In South Africa, Immigration Feeds Corrupt Officials And Race Hate
QUOTE
In South
Africa, immigration feeds corrupt officials and race hate
By Joe Brock
Many migrants to
South Africa say they are prey to corruption and violence. One
Nigerian is suing the authorities over his alleged maltreatment.
JOHANNESBURG - In 2010 police in Johannesburg shot Justin Ejimkonye,
a Nigerian migrant, in the leg. The reason why is unclear: It took the
police 18 months to charge Ejimkonye with any crime. When they did bring
a charge, saying he was carrying cannabis, a public prosecutor decided
not to pursue the case for lack of evidence.
The Nigerian says police shot him because he refused to pay them
bribes.
Similar claims of police corruption are echoed by hundreds of
immigrants in South Africa. Some are resigned to paying out so they can
stay in the country. Others feel powerless to act. But over the past
seven years, Ejimkonye, who says he is in the country legally, has
refused to keep quiet. Now he is pursuing a civil claim for damages. He
says law enforcement and immigration officials have continued to
brutalise and wrongfully detain him. A high court has twice ordered the
police to set him free.
“I still think every day they will come for me,” said Ejimkonye, 31.
“I’m fighting for my life.”
The Nigerian, who walks with a limp, is suing South Africa’s minister
of home affairs, the local government, a police officer and an official
at the Department for Home Affairs for hundreds of thousands of dollars
in damages as a result of this alleged maltreatment. His case has been
filed at a Johannesburg high court and is due to be heard in August. It
is a fresh challenge to the misrule and abuse that even the government
sees in South Africa’s immigration system.
“This is an important case and the evidence is extensive and
conclusive,” said Bulelani Mzamo, Ejimkonye’s attorney. “A lot of people
in authority are in deep trouble.”
SEEKING COMPENSATION:
Justin Ejimkonye, a Nigerian pictured here in February, was shot in
the leg by police. Now he is suing the authorities for damages.
REUTERS/Siphiwe Sibeko
“I still think every day they will come for me. I’m fighting for
my life.”
National police declined to comment on the case; the police
investigatory body said it had not been informed about it. Told of the
case by Reuters, Mayihlome Tshwete, a spokesman for Home Affairs, said
he would look into it. Tshwete said the problems it highlights were
"systemic" in the past but are improving under Home Affairs Minister
Malusi Gigaba, who was appointed in 2014 and has launched a drive
against corruption, arresting tens of officials in his department on
corruption charges.
South Africans worry that foreigners are taking their jobs and
creating crime, and migrants say the immigration system is failing. The
same forces that send West Africans to Italy are driving sub-Saharan
Africans – nearly half of them from Zimbabwe - into the continent’s
richest state. South Africa rejects 95 percent of asylum applications as
unjustified. But so far, it has been unwilling to deport those migrants.
It houses more than a million people with temporary residence permits
who are unsure what is going to happen to them.
That has fostered extortion. More than 20 refugees or migrants
interviewed by Reuters said they had suffered corruption and worse at
the hands of police and immigration officers. A 2015 report by Lawyers
for Human Rights and the African Centre for Migration & Society, two
NGOs, found one-third of immigrants experience corruption at South
African refugee registration offices. Another report, published last
November by NGO Corruption Watch, found more than 300 foreigners
complained of extortion, threats and solicitation from government
officials. President Jacob Zuma said last month a system of “bribes for
permits” poses a serious security risk for the country.
A spate of attacks against Nigerians in Johannesburg sparked protests
in February and revenge attacks against South African businesses in
Nigeria. This month South Africa’s Foreign Minister Maite
Nkoana-Mashabane, after meeting the Nigerian foreign minister, said she
would launch a scheme to track and deter xenophobic attacks. At least 66
foreign Africans in South Africa were killed in xenophobic attacks
between January 2015 and January 2017, according to the African Centre
for Migration & Society.
TENSIONS: A local
security officer stands guard in in Abuja, Nigeria, in February
after anti-South Africa protesters attacked the office of MTN, a
South Africa-based telecoms company. REUTERS/Afolabi Sotunde
“Unfortunately we fear a large-scale flare-up of xenophobic
violence is just around the corner.”
The chaos has its roots in the end of apartheid in 1994, when Nelson
Mandela helped draw up a constitution with some of the world’s most
generous human rights laws, in a bid to redress the divides under
white-minority rule. The constitution grants people seeking asylum many
of the same rights as South Africans. Now Gigaba wants to change the law
to crack down on so-called “economic migrants” by reducing
asylum-seekers’ rights and introducing a quota system.
"Unfortunately we fear a large-scale flare-up of xenophobic violence
is just around the corner,” said Wayne Ncube, an attorney at the
Johannesburg Law Clinic. “It just takes a spark."
“SPECIAL DUTIES”
Almost all the African immigrants Reuters spoke to said corruption
and violence were part of their daily lives. A group of Zimbabweans
living in Yeoville, a Johannesburg suburb popular with African migrants,
described a well-organised system established by the police.
Officers in their area came to collect money each week, the migrants
said. Those who didn’t pay were arrested, they said, and eventually sent
to a Johannesburg migrant detention centre, Lindela, where thousands of
people are still awaiting a decision on their asylum applications.
"If you pay, you're fine. If you don't have money then you're
arrested or beaten up until you can pay,” said 28-year-old taxi driver
Thando Banda, from Zimbabwe.
Yeoville police declined to comment.
Ejimkonye, the Nigerian, says he arrived in South Africa in October
2005 and was issued with various permits until 2007 when he married a
South African, which entitled him to stay permanently on a spousal visa.
He had dreamed of a future as a soccer player, but by early February
2010 was running a hair salon in Germiston, a suburb of Johannesburg.
One day, he says, police stopped him as he was driving his Toyota
truck. They demanded 900 rand ($70), which he refused to pay. The police
impounded his vehicle and charged him a fine to recover it.
A few weeks later, on Feb. 25, the same police officers stopped him
again, documents drawn up by both Ejimkonye and the police show.
Ejimkonye says he told them he would not pay any bribes. At that, he
says, police officer John Kichener Johnstone removed his police issue
Beretta revolver [ sic ] from its holster and fired a 9 millimetre round into
the back of Ejimkonye's leg.
The Germiston police station did not respond to requests for comment,
or to contact Johnstone. Savage Jooste & Adams, the law firm
representing the local government and officer Johnstone, declined to
comment. The firm has submitted a defence in Ejimkonye’s case,
Ejimkonye’s lawyers said.
In a separate statement prepared for a court hearing that in the end
did not take place, Johnstone said he and his police colleagues were
doing "special duties," which he did not detail at the time. They went
to question a group of men, including Ejimkonye, who were standing at a
street corner. Johnstone saw the "bud of a fire-arm at the rear of his
(Ejimkonye's) pants," said the statement, seen by Reuters.
Ejimkonye then tried to escape and a chase ensued, Johnstone said in
the statement. Hurdling bushes, Johnstone said, he shouted warnings at
Ejimkonye several times before opening fire as a last resort. A police
crime docket drawn up by the Germiston police on the day of the shooting
said Ejimkonye was guilty of "pointing (a gun) at an officer."
Ejimkonye says he did not have a gun. He collected two witness
statements which supported his version of events. Neither they nor
Johnstone’s statement were submitted in court because the police did not
actually bring charges against Ejimkonye at that time.
Instead, in April 2010 Ejimkonye launched his own lawsuit against the
police. That grew into the claim that is due in court in August.
National police spokesman Hangwani Mulaudzi said questions about
Ejimkonye's case against police would be dealt with by the internal
Independent Police Investigative Directorate (IPID). The IPID spokesman
said it would not have looked into it automatically because in 2010 it
was "not obligated to investigate cases of shooting unless the shooting
resulted in a death."
Tshwete, the spokesman for the home affairs ministry, could not
comment on Ejimkonye's case but said there were some "rotten apples" in
the police and home affairs ministry. "We are not saying all police and
home affairs officers are saints."
UNLAWFUL DETENTION
In Ejimkonye’s case, a court eventually found that law enforcement
officials had broken the law.
In August 2011, 18 months after Ejimkonye was shot in the leg, police
summoned him to face a charge of possession of “dagga,” or cannabis. The
public prosecutor withdrew that charge due to lack of evidence, a
Department of Justice document shows.
Ejimkonye said he subsequently faced more intimidation and physical
attacks. On Oct. 14, 2013, according to documents submitted by
Ejimkonye’s lawyers, Johnstone and colleagues raided the Nigerian’s home
in the middle of the night and took him to the police station where he
was kept for 36 days.
A month into his detention an immigration officer, Boitumelo Mokobi,
revoked his visa, saying it had been illegally obtained. Mokobi could
not be reached for comment.
“We are not saying all police and home affairs officers are
saints.”
With his visa revoked, Ejimkonye became an illegal immigrant. The
immigration authority sent him to Lindela, the detention centre in
Johannesburg. There he spent the next six months, court documents show -
well beyond the maximum declared by law.
In April 2014, Judge Segopotje Mphahlele of the South Gauteng High
Court ordered his release. The judge ruled that the police and the
government had “dismally failed to comply with the applicable
requirements of the Immigration Act” and Ejimkonye had been unlawfully
detained.
The Nigerian thought he was free.
But on May 27, 2014, Ejimkonye says, Johnstone and his crew broke
into his home, assaulted him and threw him into the boot of a car. They
took him to another police station where, a June 2014 court ruling says,
he was held on charges of being an illegal immigrant.
Again, his lawyer applied to the high court, which ordered his
release. Judge Mphahlele found this second arrest and detention had also
been unlawful, and ordered that police should not approach Ejimkonye
until his immigration situation was clarified.
“BAD PEOPLE”
The Home Affairs department said last year that it had arrested more
than 60 of its officials for offences including false documentation,
bribery, aiding and abetting, impersonation, revenue theft and fraud.
But migrants say brutality and demands for cash are still commonplace.
Faaruq Mohammed, a Somali who has a temporary residence permit while
his application for asylum is considered, told Reuters he was beaten and
refused legal representation at a police station. He has been waiting
for a permanent decision on his application for more than two years.
TARGETED: A Nigerian
man gathers his belongings after his house was burned out by a
vigilante mob in Pretoria. REUTERS/James Oatway
“You worry each time you leave your house that the police will stop
you. Sometimes they ignore your permit and you have to pay or be
arrested,” Mohammed said. “Police stations and Lindela are not good
places. Bad people there. You don’t know if you will come out alive.”
At the refugee registration centre in South Africa's capital
Pretoria, hundreds of immigrants press against fences hoping to get
answers about their asylum applications as overrun officials shout
orders and beat back the crowd with sticks.
Many have been coming for years and described how they had to pay to
get a renewal of their refugee permit.
"No one really cares if you're a real asylum-seeker or not," said
Paul Kazadi, a Democratic Republic of Congo national who admits he has
been paying bribes to extend his stay in South Africa for three years.
"It doesn't really benefit anyone to change things. Immigration officers
and police get money and we don't get deported. We work with the system
we've got."
Police declined to comment. Home Affairs spokesman Tshwete said there
is corruption at South Africa’s refugee centres, but that they have
improved and will be further reformed.
In February, President Zuma opened a renovated refugee centre in
Pretoria equipped with new technology aimed at reducing corruption,
overcrowding and the role of criminal syndicates. In his opening speech,
he said, “Government will not tolerate corruption in the refugee
reception centres as well as in the documentation process.”
Ejimkonye has gone into hiding. He is suing the local government for
2.5 million rand in damages for personal injury and the Home Affairs
ministry for 2 million rand for illegal detention, his lawyers say.
He also hopes his civil suit can help reinstate his visa.
“The police and immigration officials always think they will get away
with it,” said attorney Mzamo. “With Ejimkonye’s case, we want to send a
clear message that it’s not business as usual.”
Additional reporting by Ed Cropley and Kenichi Serino in
Johannesburg
—————
Paying to stay
By Joe Brock
Photo editing: Simon Newman
Graphics: Ciaran Hughes
Design: Jeff Magness
Edited by Sara Ledwith, Richard Woods and Janet McBride
UNQUOTE
Foreign blacks know they aren't wanted but still they go albeit they
prefer Europe, which is a real soft touch.