The War on Whites Harold Covington’s Northwest Novels
May 4, 2021 by
In my previous TOO article, I reviewed “collapse” novels by Matthew Bracken as a means to put average Whites in the frame of mind needed to accept that “our” government is now fully ready to attack us. All institutions are now arrayed against the White Christian founding stock of the United States of America: from the government, to the media, to education, to corporations, to the military, to the churches — all of it. And I know many of you readers see this. Some, however, don’t.
To me this is highly perplexing, as it is to TOO writer Thomas Dalton, who recently addressed this puzzle. “How,” he asked about such people, “can they be in denial of what is, from a rational and objective standpoint, surely one of the major problems facing civilized humanity?” Deny it they do, which is why I’ve tried a variety of approaches here at TOO over the last dozen years or so. For instance, in my Bracken review, I did something new in my writing: I deliberately crafted my account for normies, with no reference whatsoever to Jews. Surely long-time readers noticed this. While I did it in part to allow TOO readers to share my ideas and Bracken’s descriptions with those Whites not yet awake, my primary purpose was to create a sudden shock when this current review appeared, for the central message, the key to understanding the War on Whites is this: This war is being waged by the mainstream, organized Jewish community. This cannot be denied.
To my amazement, however, a hefty majority who correctly write about the danger facing the White race either fail or refuse to take their analysis to its obvious conclusion: Who is behind this vast swath of anti-White activism? I would have thought that with the release of Kevin MacDonald’s trilogy on Jews in the 1990s and its subsequent filtering into the growing culture of the Dissident or Alt-Right, the matter of who is on the attack would be settled. Unfortunately, it is far from settled, with a growing retreat from the obvious since Charlottesville in 2017 and the rise of “cancel culture” and deplatforming since.
Take, for instance, this typical headline: “These Key Similarities Between Lenin’s Red Terror and America’s Woke Culture Reveal Left’s Blueprint for Complete Takeover.” Shouldn’t that alert most educated people to the group we are discussing? I mean, right here in the opening of that blog, the author puts this in bold: “Cancel culture is the prelude to the rape, torture, and murder of the American people by a resentful underclass goaded on by a parasitic globalist ruling class.”
Say those last four words slowly: “parasitic globalist ruling class.” That sounds a lot like reporter Matt Taibbi’s excellent introduction to his essay “The Great American Bubble Machine,” where he wrote these immortal words: “The first thing you need to know about Goldman Sachs is that it’s everywhere. The world’s most powerful investment bank is a great vampire squid wrapped around the face of humanity, relentlessly jamming its blood funnel into anything that smells like money.” Aren’t we talking here about some rather obvious, reliable identifiers here?
Readers, we are talking about the organized Jewish community. And it does no good to cleverly try to avoid saying this, mainly because Americans can’t figure it out if it’s not asserted in plain language. Thus, we have Andrew Joyce in “Vulture Capitalism is Jewish Capitalism” with his entreaty to “Strike through the mask!” Name the Jew. Joyce asserts that “the problem presented by these cabals of exploitative financiers will only be solved if their true nature is fully discerned.” Such a sentiment was immediately echoed by John Q. Publius when he wrote that the role of writers at TOO is “to shoulder our way into the conversation and show plainly the architects of this modern horror show,” be it in Washington, Hollywood or on Wall Street.
This present essay names Jews as “the architects of this modern horror show,” the sponsors of this War on Whites. In fact, throughout my entire adult life, I have seen (and experienced) an escalation of the Jewish War on Whites, something that was so thoroughly documented for us in Kevin MacDonald’s trilogy on Jews, culminating in his 1998 Culture of Critique. Since then, MacDonald, E. Michael Jones, writers on this site, and many others have added trenchant commentary on this existential threat to Whites. One indefatigable pro-White activist was the late Harold Covington, who wrote novels that began as The Northwest Trilogy, became The Northwest Quartet, then finished as The Northwest Quintet. Every man just listed insists on naming the Jew.
I wrote about Harold Covington and his Northwest novels precisely ten years ago here, and the uproar over that has been unmatched by anything I’ve written since. The late Harold Covington (he died on July 17, 2018) had many enemies in “The Movement,” but that is not the point that now concerns me. Rather, I’d argue that Covington’s premises in his Northwest novels concerning a Jewish War on Whites are more relevant now with a new Democratic administration in office than they were when I wrote about him ten years ago. So much in those five novels is what we are actually living through today that I want readers of TOO to imagine a world in which the United States Government is essentially at war with a huge proportion of the White population (and can later mop up the surviving “useful idiot” liberal Whites acting as foot soldiers in this larger War on Whites).
Because Covington was such a contentious figure, I will offer a brief defense of using his prose by turning to former editor of The Occidental Quarterly (who now runs his own site, Counter-Currents) Greg Johnson, who, in late 2009 or early 2010, wrote:
So, for the sake of argument, let’s accept that everything you and the other Covington and Duke detractors who have contacted me say about these men is true. So what? I am not entrusting them with the virtue of my daughters, or the control of my trust fund, or the keys to my home. I am reviewing and discussing their ideas because I judge them interesting and relevant to White Nationalism.
Further, one of the premier former writers in TOQ and C-C stables, Michael O’Meara (now sadly missing in action), gave an intelligent and rousing endorsement of Covington’s early Northwest novels, writing:
Political fiction has one overriding purpose: to reach those who can’t be reached through rational discourse. In this, Covington’s Trilogy is superb. It is full of memorable characters — classic American types (daring, two-fisted White men) who remind us of our ancestors and not the ridiculous creatures we see on nightly television. It abounds with actions and adventures that evoke our earliest racial memories and reveal what we can be once free of the Jews’ lunar spirit. It conveys the ideals of our movement in a language and style accessible to those who might otherwise ignore them. It tells an exciting story that is both entertaining and didactic. But above all it imagines a course of action — perhaps the one possible course of action — that will ensure our existence as a people. Whatever one may say of Covington the activist, it has to be acknowledged that he’s made a work of art of his separatist vision, and it deserves a hearing.
(I can’t resist noting that O’Meara himself wrote at least some things in a way that paralleled the Northwest narratives of war and violence. Frankly, I’ve always been surprised that no one has raised any eyebrows at the thrust of O’Meara’s thrilling book Toward the White Republic [Counter-Currents, 2010] a used copy of which still lists for over $1,000 on Amazon.com. One of the last chapters is [literally] an incendiary account titled “The Hotrod of the Apocalypse,” which can be read here. The point is that O’Meara has an unusually deep understanding of Covington’s intent in writing the Northwest novels.)
Again, we hear all manner of advice on how Whites can move forward, far too much of which never names the elephant in the room. A man writing as “Chechar” does not have that problem, and he also recognizes the value of Covington’s thought as transmitted through fiction. “The notion that racialists follow the left’s Gramscian ‘march through the institutions,’” writes Chechar, “is equally unserious. Covington’s Northwest Volunteer Army is a hundred times more realistic than the thought of re-establishing the integrity of White life through elections or an expanded media.” The left dominates the universities and the media, and they will not surrender it. Academic hiring is rigidly policed, and the media is hopelessly anti-White.
If people do not realize the futility of hoping for elections or changes in universities or the media to improve the White condition, then they need to read TOO more regularly. We’re in a totally new environment here. Covington’s character Mr. Ekstrom knew this: “Things must change,” said Lennart Ekstrom slowly. “Every White man and woman in America knows it, deep down inside of themselves. This isn’t America anymore.” Now let’s see how one of the Northwest Novels handles this.
Covington’s novels appeared in this order:
The Hill of the Ravens, 2003
A Distant Thunder, 2004
A Mighty Fortress, 2005
The Brigade, 2008
Freedom’s Sons, 2011
In my estimation, the crown jewel among these five novels is the fourth, The Brigade, so I will address only that novel here. The Brigade encompasses all of what Covington was trying to accomplish in these novels, makes the outlines of the War on Whites clear, and situates it all in engrossing action.
My contention is that Covington gauged accurately the situation in America during his lifetime and correctly projected where that situation would lead. Events since the The Brigade’s publication in 2008 have uncannily mirrored Covington’s fiction and are therefore of great use today in putting our White selves into the drama and its inescapable dynamics. Thus, I fervently hope readers will enter not into the “What if?” realm of fantasy but into the more pressing “This is it, guys” scenario offered by a true visionary like Covington. The choice offered in all five Northwest novels is a stark “Fight or Die.”
Having relied on Michael O’Meara to boost the Northwest novels, I’ll crib from O’Meara’s synopsis of the Northwest Imperative. Covington believed that remaining Whites in America (and to some extent elsewhere) must separate from the irreparably anti-White remaining core of the United States, gathering in Oregon, Washington State and parts of adjoining states to fight for and preserve their existence by establishing a White homeland. Having dedicated this book to the memory of David Lane, Covington implicitly endorsed Lane’s enduring fourteen words: “We must secure the existence of our people and a future for White children.” The Brigade is a fictional but believable account of how that could be done.
To achieve this, Covington believed that “the present situation is such that any hope of reversing America’s ‘de-Europeanization’ or replacing the Judeo-globalist regime in Washington responsible for it is no longer feasible.” These novels as well as years of weekly broadcasts pushed the imperative for a White migration of “racially aware Whites to the Pacific Northwest — the Whitest section of the United States — to create there the critical mass that will be needed once the time comes to wage an anti-colonial war against the Washington regime.”
This rebellion begins with a puzzle, one that has endlessly intrigued me, and must have puzzled Covington as well: What would it take to get today’s Whites to wake up and defend themselves?
Covington was as mystified as I am, so in his novels he writes of how “Whites in Coeur d’Alene Idaho finally rebel, when they spontaneously resist federal agents attempting to carry off the children of a politically incorrect but well-regarded family.” This ignites a local reaction, and neighbors intervene. “They help arm, organize, and lead several hundred Coeur d’Alene Whites against the troops sent in to crush them. Their rebellion is quickly quashed, but, like Ireland’s Easter Uprising, it ignites a war for national independence.”
In short, Covington creates a story about the “Northwest Volunteer Army” (NVA)
as it leads an IRA-style terror campaign against the Judeo-globalist forces in control of the United States. The NVA’s struggle is greatly facilitated by the fact that in this future period American society and the US government have become even more incompetent than they are today. The US military is bogged down in endless Mideastern wars fought on Israel’s behalf; its social system is increasingly dysfunctional, balkanized into rival racial-ethnic interest groups; an ever-growing part of the White population, unable to compete with coolie labor, is condemned to unemployment or conscription; and the material prosperity that has long served as a race-obliterating opiate has given way to the growing impoverishment and alienation of the White masses.
Covington’s rendering of this White war for survival is gripping, compelling, and prescient beyond measure. I’ve read the book three times and without fail the 517 pages flew by as if it was only a few hours of reading. Remember, political fiction must engage the reader by methods other than the rational. Greater numbers of Whites can be reached by music, by public demonstrations, by humor, by political cartoons — or by fiction. Covington chose the latter. For the sake of our race, I want him to succeed posthumously, which is why I am resurrecting my original review of the Northwest novels through a focus on The Brigade.
Ironically, this war story begins with an account of a heterosexual couple with children, all of whose lives are sundered by the wife’s decision to divorce her blameless husband and begin a new life with her lesbian lover, just as Matthew Bracken’s second Enemies novel had begun. Here we meet some of the main characters as they carry out their decision to prevent this by executing both women. It is far from the first bloodshed in the book.
Next we begin to see the budding structure of the NVA, where one man says, “I look back at all the crap our people have put up with over the past century and I am still astonished that we never picked up a gun before. Why the hell has the White man never fought?” Correctly, this character notes with respect to the brewing War on Whites, “This isn’t an overnight development. This has been going on for 50 years. What the hell was wrong with us back in the 60s and 70s? Or even earlier? Why didn’t we fight?”
Group leader Red Morehouse zeroes in on the answer: “The White man can still show physical courage, yes. Lots of it. That courage gene is definitely still there in our makeup. But what we can’t seem to do is to be brave on our own, for our own interests, without the Jewish seal of approval. We have developed a poisonous symbiosis with the system. It needs us and we need it, psychologically. White males are addicted to social approval nowadays.” In other words, White people only act when their actions are consistent with the attitudes of the moral communities they relate to. And right now, the moral communities that are dominant in the West are created by elites that are totally and irrevocably anti-White. The Northwest Volunteer Army aims to establish a moral community that would approve of White rebellion, including military action, and provide the means to achieve independence.
Covington effectively shows how the federal government, as depicted in The Brigade, now very much sees the White man as an enemy. For instance, a Vietnam vet shows a photo of several young naval officers on the flight deck of an old carrier, and his friend says, “You mentioned once that [it] was taken when you were on the Kitty Hawk launching air attacks against North Vietnam.” “Yep,” replied Fields nostalgically. “That’s me on the left, Al Vitelli on the right, and Bret Halsted in the center. Al died of cancer a few years ago, and Bret died in Atlanta federal penitentiary. He … got five years for hatespeech. Judge went light on him because of his age. He was 64. The first day the guards simply turned him into the yard and the Black gang members beat him to death.” Is America heading into the summer of 2021 so different?
Turning to new member Bert, Fields imparts a point far more Whites must understand: “Bert, the America that we once knew, that we were born into, the America that you fought for in ‘Nam, that America is now gone. It doesn’t exist anymore. It is gone forever. It will never come back. I need to know if you understand this, if you accept it. Because if you don’t, then there’s no point in my continuing with what I have to say.”
If I were to give you five narrow-lines pages of notepaper and let you loose on the Internet, how long would it take you to fill those pages with examples of how America is now lost to us? Not long, I suspect. And the main reason for this state of affairs is spelled out in MacDonald’s Culture of Critique and other works. We face a Jewish War on Whites.
Media Silence and Distortion
Being a media specialist, I’ve known since the early ‘90s how awful the media is with respect to race—and I’ve known why: The media is overwhelmingly in the hands of Jews, and Jews are a hostile elite in White countries. One result is that the media has inverted reality and convinced many millions of Whites that Whites are savagely attacking Blacks, when the evidence overwhelmingly proves just the opposite. What a testimony to the power of media! What a tragedy that Jews control the majority of it, and even conservative media like Fox News completely avoids the issues so central to our survival and well-being as Whites.
Covington shows this in various places, such as in a conversation between two NVA rebels, one of whose daughters was brutalized by Black crack addicts:
“She wants me to take her out to the range shooting all the time. She always wears long-sleeved shirts and dresses or slacks, and never a swimsuit or a halter top. She broke off with Brad Gibbons, and she won’t date now. Ever wonder why? In Portland, she came home one night and found a couple of … crack addicts who had broken into her apartment waiting for her. When they had finished with her, they tried to stab her to death with a broken wine bottle. They didn’t kill her, but not for lack of trying. Her body looks like she was fed into a McCormick reaper, inch by inch. It was never mentioned in the papers or on TV because of the press censorship laws Hillary Clinton rammed through on her first year as president, the ones that forbid what they call racial incitement, such as reporting Black crimes against White people.”
Most readers of TOO know about this perverse inversion of reporting on interracial crime, as this blog and photo both show: “33 Whites Die (And ONE White-On-Black Murder!)”
Murdered White Victims
The truth is maddeningly simple to verify, but human nature crumples in the face of media power. Reality itself wilts when the vile power of the media blasts it at a billion watts a second. The truth, however, is constantly out there and can in fact be readily found. Just turn to Paul Kersey or revisit one of the greatest hidden Black-on-White crimes of the century, The Wichita Massacre. The truth is not hard to find—but paradoxically, it is impossible to see. Well, it seems paradoxical only to those who do not know about the evil surrounding the Jewish Question.
This media curse against Whites transcends the vastness of the Atlantic Ocean, too, as shown below, where but one Black victim of White violence has become a martyr in Britain, endlessly commemorated in the media, while the enormously greater number of White victims died in obscurity (see “Black Saints, White Demons: The Martyr Cult of Stephen Lawrence”).
Contemplate how one-sided this murderous violence is. Yet the majority of Whites, it seems, side with the narrative that Whites are overwhelmingly killing Blacks. Of course, the media is to blame—but can the media have that much power over the White mind, even when the truth is so obvious?
Covington ventures an explanation for this by creating a dialogue between a bereaved father and daughter. The father’s only other daughter, a beautiful young girl named Jan, fell in with a Black crowd at school, got involved with drugs, and started sleeping with the star basketball player, a Black youth who supplied her with drugs. In time, she got pregnant by him and was of course spurned. Not seeing a way out, she took her own life. The father, a quite affluent banker, tries to rationalize why the family must quietly accept their loss, but the surviving daughter objects to this rationale: “So we’re all nothing but a bunch of hogs slopping at the great American trough, and every so often the big Black butcher comes among us and drags one of us away squealing, and we just look the other way and accept it as the price of all that lovely swill and jam our snouts back in deep, so we don’t hear the screams? Is that it?” Sad to say, Covington is on to something here.
Another way the choice of fiction serves Covington well is in his ability to present a scene rather than make an argument. For example, instead of explaining how bizarre it is that American Jews are well above average income yet unceasingly claim to suffer from anti-Semitism, Covington uses a dinner to make the point. The Goldmans are a wealthy Oregon couple who will have a special $60,000 dinner flown in from Jerusalem, while a working-class White who hears about this gasps, “I’ve never even seen $60,000 in one place. My family has to make do with meat twice a week, and that’s with me and my wife both working. My boys will never enter the door of a college because they’re males with White skins, and we’ll never be able to afford to send the girls either.”
In The Brigade, the Goldmans have to pay for being part of this unspeakable crime syndicate, and two NVA members approach the Goldmans as they head for that dinner from Israel. “The two gunmen said nothing, but Jacob Goldman gasped out in a strangled cry, ‘You!’” Here Covington provides a philosophical—even cosmic—description of what this war entails: the biblical brothers Esau and Jacob forever in conflict, but this time Esau gaining the upper hand:
All four of them understood what Jacob Goldman had said. He did not know or recognize the men who were about to put him to death. They had always been far beneath him, part of the scenery he saw from the window of his luxury car or a plush office suite, animals who through some accident of nature resembled God’s Chosen People in outward form, but whom the sages of Torah assured him were beasts without souls. Yet he knew who they were, and why they were here. Four thousand years of racial instinct crackled in a moment of cosmic, hideous recognition and knowledge. A timeless drama was once again about to be played out, an ancient debt was once more to be paid, and blood was about to be spilled once more in humanity’s longest war. The men before Jacob Goldman could have been wearing Roman armor, or Crusaders’ chain mail, or Cossack leather and furs, or the Black tunic of the SS. Now they wore denim jeans and ski masks, but oh, yes, he knew them. Now he was going to die, because they knew him as well, knew him for what he was.
Affirmative Action
Another area Covington addresses is affirmative action and its negative consequences. In The Brigade, his examples might have gotten ahead of the real world, but the real world has certainly seen fit to catch up. For example, we just had the headline that “United Airlines Wants To Train More Female, Minority Pilots,” with this intro: “United Airlines, the only major U.S. airline to own a flight school, has kicked off a plan to train 5,000 new pilots by 2030 – at least half of them women and people of color.” If this 50 percent goal pans out, and worse, spreads throughout the industry, it isn’t going to work out well, as Covington’s delicious narratives demonstrate.
The first one involves Rabang Miller, a Filipina who has judiciously used affirmative action and a willingness to sleep her way to the top to become fairly senior in the FBI, lording it over competent and straight-laced White male agent Brian Pangborn, who is forced to endure Rabang’s untouchable status. Unfortunately, Rabang’s incompetence gets them quite killed in an encounter with the NVA.
Because Rabang and Pangborn are agents of the American government, the Northwest Volunteer Army considers them enemy combatants. As such, they are stalked by some volunteers. The White male’s warrior instincts tell Special Agent Pangborn something is amiss, so he turns off the highway to observe the behavior of the SUV behind him. All of a sudden, however, a Toyota Camry pulls out in front of them, and “Pangborn saw two men in ski masks leap out of the car. He heard the stuttering of the Uzi, saw the muzzle flash and heard the pop pop pop as the 9-mm slugs slammed into the windshield. The polycarbonate glass held, but big ugly White splotches blossomed on the windshield before him. ‘It’s them!’ screamed Rabang in terror.” Minutes later, both agents were dead thanks to the Filipina’s consistently foolish choices.
Covington’s tour de force depiction of an affirmative action disaster comes later in “The Battle of Sunset Beach,” which beautifully details the predictable consequences of real recent changes in the military such as this: “Obama started the process of turning the military into a social justice institution. While Trump managed to slow the process, Biden’s administration, with help from a highly partisan Pentagon, is purging the military of people expressing views with which Democrats disagree while doubling down on race, radical feminism, and transgenderism. Defense is an afterthought.” Here is the new face of the United States military:
28th United States Secretary of Defense
Covington imagines a battle of the new military vs. White male former soldiers. In order to end the “racism” of the “domestic terrorists” trying to create a White homeland in the Northwest, the U.S. government has sent a flotilla of ships to Oregon. Loaded with 1,400 FATPO troops (federal soldiers), the team is led by a Black general named Roland Rollins, who plans to make a MacArthur-esque beach landing to be used as a photo op. At the same time, the commander of the Coast Guard cutter protecting the convoy is a Hispanic woman, who reached her position as an affirmative action appointee. Unsurprisingly, she is woefully incompetent. Meanwhile, the Freedom Fighters of the Northwest have laid an ambush on the beach.
General Rollins’ landing plans involved grounding the ferry he is on, then lowering the door and wading triumphantly onto the beach as cameras roll. The result was “what happens in a system when you promote people into important jobs and positions based on the color of their skin or the fact that they’ve got tits on ‘em, instead of on their ability to do the job.” As such, Rollins waded off the ship, the powerful guns of the NVA opened up from the beach, and “Rollins whirled away into the air flapping like a scarecrow in the wind.”
The Coast Guard cutter commanded by the Hispanic woman could have been a very effective deterrent, but this affirmative action captain was a huge liability. In a priceless scene, she manages to single-handedly destroy and sink her own ship. And Covington makes it all sound plausible, so much like what today’s America has actually become.
Hollywood
As epic as The Battle of Sunset Beach is, however, one of the most
important sections of the book is without a doubt Chapters 17–26 (excluding
Ch. 25, which is the culmination of The Battle of Sunset Beach). The idea
begins as “Taking Down Tinsel Town,” where the NVA hatches a mission to mete
out some justice to Hollywood. The commander of the volunteers explains:
“After a lot of consideration, the Portland brigades have been selected to put together a special active service unit for a series of highly sensitive and risky operations, the first extensive campaign the NVA has mounted outside the Northwest Homeland itself. The name of this unit will be Task Force Director’s Cut. Its mission will be to neutralize one of the prime weapons that ZOG has in this war, which is the Hollywood movie, media, and entertainment industry, and to render that industry as useless to the enemy as we can possibly accomplish. Put bluntly, we are going down to Hollywood, and we are going to take the Dream Machine apart at the seams.”
Covington’s writing shows that he understood the disastrous impact Hollywood has had on the White world, as a commander of the NVA sums it up:
“Gentlemen, I don’t have to tell you that ever since the invention of the motion picture over a century ago, the movie industry has been the most completely Jewish field of private enterprise in the world, with the exception of international banking and the stock exchange. Even today, Yiddish is considered to be Hollywood’s second language…. Every crucial, non-technical job on the business and creative end of any major movie is either held by a Jew or is in the power of a Jew, from the studio heads, the producers and the directors, down to the scriptwriters, the casting directors, the agents, the accountants, and anything to do with the money…. This control by the Tribe is pervasive and complete, and it extends into television as well …
I do not need to tell you of the terrible and largely irreversible damage that Hollywood has done to the White race and to Western civilization over the past century. For four generations, the international bankers and the corrupt politicians have committed unspeakable crimes against humanity, especially the war after war after bloody war they have plunged our people into for Jewry’s sake, but it is Hollywood and Hollywood’s mutant bastard spawn television that has made the White people of America and the world swallow these atrocities and actually support them with enthusiasm. It is Hollywood that has spent the past 50 years pushing every conceivable kind of perversion of body and mind down the throats of White people. It is Hollywood that has turned the loathsome practice of homosexuality into something cute and trendy, the subject for silly jokes, when it is in fact a poison of the very soul. It is Hollywood that has turned White women as portrayed on film into either mindless sex objects, or else de- gendered, masculinized, man-hating neurotics. It is Hollywood that has poisoned the minds and broken the spirits of generation after generation of White children who are now beyond recovery, and turned them into whiggers. The bankers have stolen our money. The federal government of the United States has stolen our lives and our freedom and soaked the earth with Aryan blood, spilled to save a filthy race of Asiatic parasites. But Hollywood has stolen our peoples’ minds and souls, and in some ways that makes Hollywood more evil to my mind even than the sinks of iniquity centered in New York and Washington, D.C. Comrades, we will go down to southern California, we will grip this monster by the throat, and we will cut its heart out!” There was a cheer from around the table; the men found the project to their liking.
So a highly coordinated attack was launched on Hollywood, one which forced Jews there to stop their subversion of goyische society. It was an ugly mission, but a necessary one. And fitting, given that Covington ends The Brigade with the motto:
Ex Gladio Libertas — Freedom comes from the sword
Conclusion
Now here comes an odd circumstance: I’ve spent a lot of time describing a
book called The Brigade, but it appears we can no longer get our
hands on a hard copy of the book at all. I guess Covington was catching
serious flak because he was flying directly over the right target.
I used to own all five Northwest novels but left them behind when I moved, thinking “I’ll be able to pick up used copies later for next to nothing.” Not in today’s world, however. While I haven’t done an exhaustive search for The Brigade, I have searched far longer than I normally do for something I really want.
Then again, maybe the lack of a hard copy is not that much of a hindrance, and the majority of those now interested in the book will download an e-version. Perhaps these sites will suffice: here, here or here. Otherwise, readers can assist us in the comments section.
We’ve come full circle. I began this essay by insisting that 2021 is the year that serious physical assaults on Whites begin. I then took readers through a fictional reply to what people might do to counter such an assault. In Covington’s novel, Whites fought and won. What about now, though? In the real world of the Spring of 2021, the tension is thick but no real action has yet broken out. What to do, then? Greg Johnson’s recent advice is no doubt good: “What should White normies do? Batten down, because a great wave of chaos is coming, and your skin will be your uniform. You may not want colored people as your enemies, but sometimes your enemies choose you.”
Or learn from the analysis of Andrew Anglin, whose coverage of BLM, government shenanigans, and the overwhelming role of Jews in it all has been exemplary: “What we are witnessing here, right out in the open, is a build up to a mass killing of White people. That is why they are trying to remove the police – they want nothing standing in the way of these Blacks and you.”
And still, I feel something is lacking, for a population as used to victory as Whites has become incurably indifferent. Thus, I am convinced of the need for a mental stimulus that will break enough Whites out of their stupor and false sense of prosperity and get them to envision doing something—and how to do it. And soon. To me, Harold Covington’s Brigade, along with the other Northwest novels, is possibly that stimulus. Before we stand up again for our own survival, we need the proper mental conditioning. As Michael O’Meara concluded, “Only myths can galvanize the collective unconsciousness of a nation.” The Northwest novels provide one such myth.
In another column I wrote in 2011, commenter “Trainspotter” sagely averred that “People don’t man barricades, they don’t risk life and limb over statistics. They need a vision, a sense of destiny. Our cause is far greater, deeper and more beautiful than any scholarly tome. The intellectuals are developing the vision, but the artist must give it life and spread it. People must feel it, not just think it.”
He’s right. Covington understood that as well, which is why I will close this long essay with the words Covington put into the mouth of one of his Freedom Fighters:
“Our goal is not to kill people, it’s to free people, our people, White people, from a government and a society that have become absolutely intolerable and morally indefensible, and to build something new and better in its place. What this will turn into, what it’s already turning into, will be a civil war between White people, maybe as bad as the one in 1861. But we’re going to win.”
Harold Covington
ex Wiki
Harold Armstead Covington (September 14, 1953 – July 14, 2018)[1]
was an American
neo-Nazi activist
and writer. Covington advocated the creation of an "Aryan homeland" in the
Pacific Northwest (known as the
Northwest Territorial Imperative),[3]
and was the founder of the Northwest Front (NF), a political
movement which promoted
white separatism.
Early life (1953–1971)
Covington was born in
Burlington,
North Carolina in 1953 as the eldest of three children. In 1968, at age
15, he was sent to
Chapel Hill High School.[5]
In 1971, he graduated from high school and joined the United States Army.
Political activities, Rhodesia and South Africa (1971–1976)
In 1971, Covington joined the National Socialist White People's Party
(NSWPP), the political successor to the
American Nazi Party.[1]
He moved to
South Africa in December 1973,[6]
after his discharge from the U.S. Army, and later to
Rhodesia
(now
Zimbabwe).[7]
Covington was a founding member of the Rhodesian White People's Party, and
later claimed to have served in the
Rhodesian Army, although the Zimbabwe government has said that Covington
never served in any capacity. He was deported from Rhodesia in 1976, after
sending threatening letters to a Jewish congregation.
Political activities after returning from Rhodesia
In 1980, while leader of the
National Socialist Party of America, he lost a primary election for the
Republican nomination for candidates for
attorney general of
North Carolina.[8]
Covington resigned as president of the NSPA in 1981.[9]
That same year, Covington alleged that would-be presidential assassin
John Hinckley Jr. had formerly been a member of the Nazi Party. Law
enforcement authorities were never able to corroborate this claim, and
suggested the alleged connection "may have been fabricated for publicity
purposes".[10]
Covington later settled in the United Kingdom for several years, where he made contact with British far-right groups and was involved in setting up the neo-Nazi terrorist organisation Combat 18 (C18) in 1992. C18 openly promotes violence and antisemitism, and has adopted some of the features of the American far right.[11]
In 1994, Covington started an organization called the National Socialist White People's Party, using the same name of the successor to the American Nazi Party under Matt Koehl in Chapel Hill, North Carolina. He launched a website in 1996; using the pseudonym "Winston Smith" (taken from the novel Nineteen Eighty-Four), Covington became one of the first neo-Nazi presences on the Internet.[12][13] Covington used the website and the Winston Smith pseudonym to disseminate Holocaust-denial material.[14]
Beginning in 2005, Covington maintained a political blog titled "Thoughtcrime".[15] As a fiction writer, Covington authored several occult-themed novels.[16][17] As an author, he is best known for his series of five Northwest Independence novels: A Distant Thunder, A Mighty Fortress, The Hill Of The Ravens, The Brigade, and Freedom's Sons.[citation needed]
Covington was mentioned in the media in connection with the Charleston church shooting, whose perpetrator Dylann Roof discussed the Northwest Front in his manifesto, and was critical of its means and objectives.[18] According to Covington, the shooting was "a preview of coming attractions", but he also believed it was a bad idea for his followers to engage in random acts of violence, supporting organized revolution instead.[19]
Covington died in Bremerton, Washington, on July 14, 2018.[1]
The Northwest Novels of H. A. Covington
Editor’s Note:
This essay is taken from in Dr. O’Meara’s new book Toward the White
Republic, available
here. Only a few copies of the limited signed and numbered hardcover
edition are available.
“Those who want to live, let them fight, and
those who do not want to fight in this world
of eternal struggle do not deserve to live.”
—Adolf Hitler
H. A. Covington’s Northwest Trilogy of novels—Hill of the Ravens (2003), A Distant Thunder (2004), and A Mighty Fortress (2005) [A fourth novel, The Brigade (2007) appeared after this essay was written—Ed.]—now represents the most authoritative treatment of white separatism in the English language. Both as popular fiction and political tract, it is a remarkable work. But most remarkable of all is the utter silence that surrounds it. If not for a VNN “commentator” (the wise and judicious “New America”), I might never have heard of it.
I’m not quite certain why this is. Covington’s Trilogy is infinitely more readable and convincing than William Pierce’s The Turner Diaries (now one of our classics), but has probably sold only a fraction as many copies. Part of the problem with its reception might lie in the fact that Covington, a veteran of the NS movement, has made not a few enemies within “the racially conscious community,” evident in his numerous critical references to William Pierce, as well as to Matt Koehl, Ben Klassen, Tom Metzger, David Duke, Martin Webster, John Tyndall, and others.
Without any actual knowledge of Covington’s personal history or of the sectarian squabbles that have alienated him from other racial nationalists, there may be, for this reason, a subtext to his Trilogy that eludes me.
I only know the Trilogy as a work of political fiction.
On this basis, though, I can categorically say that Covington is a great talent and that his work speaks, as no other does, to the burning question of our age.
Political fiction has one overriding purpose: to reach those who can’t be reached through rational discourse. In this, Covington’s Trilogy is superb. It is full of memorable characters—classic American types (daring, two-fisted white men) who remind us of our ancestors and not the ridiculous creatures we see on nightly television. It abounds with actions and adventures that evoke our earliest racial memories and reveal what we can be once free of the Jews’ lunar spirit. It conveys the ideals of our movement in a language and style accessible to those who might otherwise ignore them. It tells an exciting story that is both entertaining and didactic. But above all it imagines a course of action—perhaps the one possible course of action—that will ensure our existence as a people. Whatever one may say of Covington the activist, it has to be acknowledged that he’s made a work of art of his separatist vision, and it deserves a hearing.
It is not, though, his art that I want to address in this essay, but rather certain of his ideas, three of which I think are fundamental to the politics of white racial survival in this period. To put these ideas in their proper context, something, though, needs first to be said of the story Covington tells.
As a separatist, he believes the present situation is such that any hope of reversing America’s “de-Europeanization” or replacing the Judeo-globalist regime in Washington responsible for it is no longer feasible. The sole option left to whites seeking to ensure their existence in North America is to break off a portion of the lands their ancestors possessed and establish a white homeland. To this end he proposes the “migration” of racially aware whites to the Pacific Northwest—the whitest section of the United States—to create there the critical mass that will be needed once the time comes to wage an anti-colonial war against the Washington regime.
Premised on this migration, his three novels revolve around events that occur sometime in the second or third decade of the 21st century, when all the tendencies presently in place have been taken to their horrific and ethnocidal extension.
For reasons almost providential, whites in Coeur d'Alene, Idaho finally rebel, when they spontaneously resist federal agents attempting to carry off the children of a politically incorrect but well-regarded family. Locally based members of the “party” created by the migration then intervene. They help arm, organize, and lead several hundred Coeur d’Alene whites against the troops sent in to crush them. Their rebellion is quickly quashed, but, like Ireland’s Easter Uprising, it ignites a war for national independence.
From three different perspectives Covington tells the story of the Northwest Volunteer Army (NVA), as it leads an IRA-style terror campaign against the Judeo-globalist forces in control of the United States. The NVA’s struggle is greatly facilitated by the fact that in this future period American society and the US government have become even more incompetent than they are today. The US military is bogged down in endless Mideastern wars fought on Israel’s behalf; its social system is increasingly dysfunctional, balkanized into rival racial-ethnic interest groups; an ever-growing part of the white population, unable to compete with coolie labor, is condemned to unemployment or conscription; and the material prosperity that has long served as a race-obliterating opiate has given way to the growing impoverishment and alienation of the white masses.
For five bitter years, the NVA wages the “war of the flea,” blowing up key infrastructure, sabotaging databases, attacking the regime’s tax-collecting and judiciary agents, intimidating employers of non-white labor—even sending Volunteers to disrupt the vulnerable lifelines that allow New York and Washington to function as the regime’s central nervous system.
Unable to sustain the damages and disruptions of these assaults, the federal government, mainly for financial reasons, is eventually forced to negotiate a peace settlement with the insurgents, negotiations which end up sanctioning the secession of Washington, Oregon, and Idaho (along with parts of Northern California, Wyoming, and Montana) from the United States and the establishment of a white homeland under the political auspices of a Northwest American Republic.
1. The Jewnited States
Thomas Hart Benton, “Lewis and Clark at Eagle Creek,” 1967
Unlike racial conservatives and not a few white nationalists, Covington sees the United States—not just the current Administration, but the “System” itself—as the enemy. He calls it “the fount and wellspring of all that [is] evil” in our time. For at least two generations this state has carried out a systemic assault on European America, forcing it to congregate with hostile races; promoting integration, miscegenation, and the destruction of the white family; adopting policies that siphon off its wealth, pollute its culture, and corrupt its children; but above all, legitimating its self-destruction through the imposition of dysgenic behaviors and values.
With “only the most remote and tenuous historical connection with the country and system of government which was originally established and envisioned by the Founding Fathers,” the United States today has become a Jew-led corporate plutocracy that denies whites their birthright. But it’s not just its state, with its race-destroying policies, that wars on them. The entire American social system—the reigning civilizational forms—have become no less noxious to their existence. Covington describes early 21st-century America (and this is a projection of current trends) as
a world of unspeakably vile sexual perversions . . . a kleptocracy, quite literally ruled by criminals, some of whom were so bad and so blatant that they were even indicted under the Americans’ own laws . . . a world based on no other foundation than sheer greed, wallowing in the most gross and despicable material gluttony . . . a wasteland of spiritual emptiness, moral corruption, and cultural pollution . . . an entire society based on a bizarre and grotesque moral inversion: the utterly ridiculous and thoroughly evil idea that all humanoid creatures are in some manner equal.
This world born of the Jews’ materialistic metaphysics—this world in which man is viewed primarily as “an economic animal rather than as a spiritual being with a soul” —turns everyone into either a consumer or a commodity and everything that has traditionally made life worth living—family, community, religion—into an economic calculation. Whether rich or poor, the “citizens” of this Jewified enterprise live “all doped up, dumbed down, zoned out . . . confused, hostile, paranoid . . . looking out for nobody but Number One.” America’s traditional European life forms become not only unsustainable under such a system, they are demonized and rendered criminal.
No self-respecting white man, Covington assumes, would want to preserve, reform, or redeem such an abomination. As one of his Volunteers says: “I didn’t want to be an American any more. I wanted to be a man instead, a white man.”
2. A War of White Liberation
Albert Bierstadt, “Puget Sound on the Pacific Coast,” 1870
Despite the passivity and conservatism that mark much of the racially conscious community, it is not difficult to understand why our nobler spirits would want to wash their hands of the American experiment.
With some justice, Covington argues that a half century of peaceful, legal methods to reverse the racial policies of the United States have been totally ineffective. “Petitions have been ignored . . . The electoral and political process has been undermined . . . The judiciary has become an instrument of racial and social tyranny.” All the while, the reigning powers continue their de-Europeanization, using all their vast powers to re-engineer the American population and eviscerate its racial heritage.
Covington’s work rests on the rather unchallengeable contention that nothing so far has had the slightest effect in stemming the enveloping tide of mud. Efforts to create an alternative media, raise white consciousness, mobilize voters around racial issues, or post another illuminating exposé on the internet have had virtually no effect in halting our advance toward the abyss. Those among us who continue to emphasize the need to educate or awaken people, he argues, usually end up doing “nothing more than hide behind an email address while playing with the computer in one’s basement rec room, with a bowl of nachos and a cold brewski beside the mouse.” Relatedly, most actual efforts by racialists and right-wingers to act in the real world continue to aim at influencing the Judeo-corporate system, rather than getting free of it.
Given that all the forces of indoctrination, socialization, and influence are in enemy hands and that all the principal institutions and social-economic structures are arrayed against us, the thought of using the system’s established forms to bring down the anti-white regime in Washington, repatriate the 100 million muds occupying our lands, or reverse the present ethnocidal course of American developments is nothing short of fantastic. Given also that every effort to reverse American racial policy has failed and that this policy threatens the survival of the European race in North America, the sole remaining recourse, Covington insists, is the “right” to take up arms against the system threatening us.
As he imagines it, the struggle to establish an independent white homeland in the American Northwest will resemble an anti-colonial war, waged in ways not unlike the campaign the Provisional IRA carried out against the British government in Northern Ireland after 1969. Sustained by a migration of racially aware whites to the region (Covington mentions 50,000 migrants), the NVA that is to arise from some future effort to acquire a “small piece of territory” will challenge Washington’s monopoly of armed force and undermine its revenue producing sources, making it impossible for the federal government to maintain its authority over the Pacific Northwest.
But how realistic is such a prospective struggle? To many it will seem even more fantastic than the alternatives that Covington criticizes. And to those who know something about the physical-force wing of Irish Republicanism, it will seem no less fantastic to imagine that American white nationalists (whose struggles are waged almost entirely in cyberspace) could emulate the IRA gunmen, street fighters, and terrorists who forced Her Majesty’s Government to the negotiating tables.
These objections, however, are not actually an argument against Covington’s notion of a white liberation struggle—only an obstacle to be overcome. History, moreover, is full of improbable undertakings. Who would have thought that 10,000 lightly-armed Sunni insurgents would check the conquests of America’s imperial legions? Great historical transformations are almost always implausible until they happen. Part of this is due to the fact that it is rarely the size of one’s armed divisions or the quality of one’s military technology that matters most, but rather certain qualities of the human spirit. As Victor Hugo put it: “Mightier than the tread of marching armies is the power of an idea whose time has come.” If American whites, especially their racially conscious vanguard, should ever imbue the NW migration with the force of a Sorelian myth (that is, with the force to act), there is simply no telling what might happen. “Nothing is impossible”—not even the thought of white men marching to the sound of the guns.
To those who would dismiss this as wishful thinking, it might be added that not only does the survival of the white race depend upon such a mythic transformation of white consciousness, but that our age has turned such transformations into something of a Zeitgeist. With the advent of globalization and the fourth-generation war it provokes, traditional state systems have everywhere gone into crisis, as anti-national elites endeavor to impose a one-world superstate that reduces everything to the market demands of the Jew-led Yankee money men cashing in on the extermination of the white race.
The idea of a white liberation struggle is not, then, entirely implausible. Nor would there be any lack of potential Volunteers. Sections of the middle class, deprived by globalization of the lifestyles which ensured their former passivity, are already feeling embittered and by-passed. A sharp economic downturn, the collapse of the dollar, a humiliating military retreat from the Middle East, an energy crisis that undermines our automotive civilization, a protracted governmental paralysis—the conditions could suddenly arise when elements among the complacent, TV-programmed white masses are forced to the conclusion that their allegiances are misplaced. In any case, conditions for whites are almost certain to continue to deteriorate.
Echoing the theorists of partisan, guerrilla, or asymmetrical warfare of the last half century, Covington contends that the bigger and more complex the Jewnited States becomes, the more vulnerable it is to “a few brave men with weapons in their hands and the courage to use them.” American society, he notes, is “so complex, everything so interactive and interlocking and dependent on everything else, that when you cut one link in the chain the whole works just grounds to a halt.”
The struggle for white liberation would also benefit from the fact that the US government is already a corrupt, mismanaged institution and that American society, premised on purely economic criteria, lacks real cohesion. The whole system, in fact, rests on a foundation of sand. All the powers of corruption, incompetence, cowardice, and short-term thinking conspire against it. (Think of Katrina New Orleans.) Its declining revenues and budget constraints are even now making it difficult to fund its repressive apparatus. At the same time, the system is more and more served by inept Negroes, and the Jews who manage the system’s decision-making centers are beginning to overreach themselves, pushing their host people in ways that formerly ended in pogroms. Is it so inconceivable, then, to think that an armed white opposition could force it out of the Northwest?
3. A Homeland
Thomas Hart Benton, “Wheat,” 1967
Once it is accepted that the United States constitutes the principal threat to white existence and that whites will be free of its perverse, ethnocidal policies only through force of arms, then the third, most crucial facet of Covington’s vision comes into focus: The imperative of creating a white homeland.
Terre et Peuple, Blut und Boden: The notion that every people needs its own land is as old as Europe itself. In the postmodern, transnational, and global order favored by our one-world elites such a notion, of course, is deemed obsolete, as if the quantitative monetary principles of the world market are a better way of organizing social life than traditional ones based on healthy families, organic communities, and ethnoracial identities.
In the last generation, this ancient notion has assumed a new urgency: For the rising tide of color has everywhere begun to seep into the former white homelands, threatening the integrity of white life. One more generation of Third World immigration and the great race passes away forever.
A racially exclusive homeland, the antithesis of the New World Order, would in Covington’s view be our “ark to weather the great flood of mud.” “It is absolutely essential,” he argues, “that the white race acquire a Homeland of its own, some place on earth where white children can be born and raised in physical and spiritual safety, and where our numbers may be restored and the threat of racial extinction overcome.”
Based on blood, not creed or economics, such a home-land would guarantee the perpetuity of our people. It would also solve a great many of the social, political, and cultural problems that presently ail us. For once free of the Jews who have pathologized white existence and who have set the colored hordes on us, we could begin dealing honestly and forthrightly with the problems besetting our civilization. Indeed, once free of the Jews and their multiracial legions, many of these problems would simply vanish. The result would almost certainly be a renaissance of European life in North America. As one of Covington’s characters observes: “When you have stability and unity in a racially homogenous society . . . you’d be amazed what a small country like ours can accomplish.”
This vision of a sovereign Aryan Republic is, of course, merely a figment of Covington’s imagination, but then again imagination, as Shakespeare reminds us, “Bodies forth the things unknown.”
Bibliographical Note:
The novels of the Northwest Quartet are:
H. A. Covington
The Hill of the Ravens
Lincoln, Nebr.: 1stBooks Library, 2003
H. A. Covington
A Distant Thunder
Bloomington, Ind.: Authorhouse, 2004
H. A. Covington
A Mighty Fortress
Bloomington, Ind.: Authorhouse, 2005
H. A. Covington
The Brigade
Michael O'Meara ex Metapedia
Michael O'Meara is the penname of a North-American historian who
has worked to introduce the thought of the
European New Right in the English-speaking world. O'Meara was born in
San Francisco in 1946. He studied social theory at the Ecole des Hautes
Etudes en Sciences Sociales in Paris and modern European history at the
University of California, Berkeley. While at the Berkeley campus of the
University of California in the late 1960s, he was active in student and
anti-war politics. He then spent nearly a decade as a trade union activist,
first as a Marxist and then as a revolutionary syndicalist. When he returned
to graduate school, it was to study the comparative history of revolutionary
labor movements. His first book (under the name Michael Torigian), Every
Factory a Fortress (Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 1999), was a
history of the unionization of Paris's mass production workers. He
subsequently developed an interest in right-wing thought, especially that of
the European New Right, and wrote a key book on that subject in English:
New Culture, New Right: Anti-Liberalism in Postmodern Europe
(Bloomington, Ind., 1stBooks, 2004).
O'Meara's Toward The White Republic was the first book published by Counter Currents (San Francisco, 2010).
A second edition of New Culture, New Right was published in 2013 by Arktos (London).
His latest work is Guillaume Faye and the Battle of Europe (London: Arktos, 2013).
External links
- Michael O'Meara's author page at Arktos
- Against the Armies of the Night: The Aurora Movements
- Michael O'Meara articles at Counter-Currents
- Excerpts of Toward the White Republic