Immigration is a slow acting issue but none the less important for that. A few thousand foreigners move into England and you notice the odd one here and there. They learn to speak English because they have to. But when a critical mass is here, they can live together and form their own tribe, not bothering with English, not caring about England except when it comes to knowing their rights; the council houses - they get preferential treatment, the dole money - only fools and Englishmen work.
Here is an offering from Charles Murray, the co-author of The Bell Curve which is about race and intelligence. The left hated him for it so it must have some virtue. It is also at Most Poor Children Are White
10/29/93 Wall Street Journal(J)
The Coming White Underclass
BY CHARLES MURRAY
Every once in a while the sky really is falling, and this seems to be the case with the latest national figures on illegitimacy. The unadorned statistic is that, in 1991, 1.2 million children were born to unmarried mothers, within a hair of 30% of all live births. How high is 30%? About four percentage points higher than the black illegitimacy rate in the early 1960s that motivated Daniel Patrick Moynihan to write his famous memorandum on the breakdown of the black family.The 1991 story for blacks is that illegitimacy has now reached 68% of births to black women. In inner cities, the figure is typically in excess of 80%. Many of us have heard these numbers so often that we are inured. It is time to think about them as if we were back in the mid-1960s with the young Moynihan and asked to predict what would happen if the black illegitimacy rate were 68%.
Impossible, we would have said. But if the proportion of fatherless boys in a given community were to reach such levels, surely the culture must be "Lord of the Flies" writ large, the values of unsocialized male adolescents made norms -- physical violence, immediate gratification and predatory sex. That is the culture now taking over the black inner city.
But the black story, however dismaying, is old news. The new trend that threatens the U.S. is white illegitimacy. Matters have not yet quite gotten out of hand, but they are on the brink. If we want to act, now is the time.
In 1991, 707,502 babies were born to single white women, representing 22% of white births. The elite wisdom holds that this phenomenon cuts across social classes, as if the increase in Murphy Browns were pushing the trend line. Thus, a few months ago, a Census Bureau study of fertility among all American women got headlines for a few days because it showed that births to single women with college degrees doubled in the last decade to 6% from 3%. This is an interesting trend, but of minor social importance. The real news of that study is that the proportion of single mothers with less than a high school education jumped to 48% from 35% in a single decade.
These numbers are dominated by whites. Breaking down the numbers by race (using data not available in the published version), women with college degrees contribute only 4% of white illegitimate babies, while women with a high school education or less contribute 82%. Women with family incomes of $75,000 or more contribute 1% of white illegitimate babies, while women with family incomes under $20,000 contribute 69%.
The National Longitudinal Study of Youth, a Labor Department study that has tracked more than 10,000 youths since 1979, shows an even more dramatic picture. For white women below the poverty line in the year prior to giving birth, 44% of births have been illegitimate, compared with only 6% for women above the poverty line. White illegitimacy is overwhelmingly a lower-class phenomenon.
This brings us to the emergence of a white underclass. In raw numbers, European-American whites are the ethnic group with the most people in poverty, most illegitimate children, most women on welfare, most unemployed men, and most arrests for serious crimes.
And yet whites have not had an "underclass" as such, because the whites who might qualify have been scattered among the working class. Instead, whites have had "white trash" concentrated in a few streets on the outskirts of town, sometimes a Skid Row of unattached white men in the large cities. But these scatterings have seldom been large enough to make up a neighborhood. An underclass needs a critical mass, and white America has not had one.
But now the overall white illegitimacy rate is 22%. The figure in low-income, working-class communities may be twice that. How much illegitimacy can a community tolerate? Nobody knows, but the historical fact is that the trend lines on black crime, dropout from the labor force, and illegitimacy all shifted sharply upward as the overall black illegitimacy rate passed 25%.
The causal connection is murky -- I blame the revolution in social policy during that period, while others blame the sexual revolution, broad shifts in cultural norms, or structural changes in the economy. But the white illegitimacy rate is approaching that same problematic 25% region at a time when social policy is more comprehensively wrongheaded than it was in the mid-1960s, and the cultural and sexual norms are still more degraded.
The white underclass will begin to show its face in isolated ways. Look for certain schools in white neighborhoods to get a reputation as being unteachable, with large numbers of disruptive students and indifferent parents. Talk to the police; listen for stories about white neighborhoods where the incidence of domestic disputes and casual violence has been shooting up. Look for white neighborhoods with high concentrations of drug activity and large numbers of men who have dropped out of the labor force. Some readers will recall reading the occasional news story about such places already.
As the spatial concentration of illegitimacy reaches critical mass, we should expect the deterioration to be as fast among low-income whites in the 1990s as it was among low-income blacks in the 1960s. My proposition is that illegitimacy is the single most important social problem of our time -- more important than crime, drugs, poverty, illiteracy, welfare or homelessness because it drives everything else. Doing something about it is not just one more item on the American policy agenda, but should be at the top.
Here is what to do:
* * *
[policy prescriptions for restoring family life to people below the poverty line omitted]
* * *
Three decades after that consensus disappeared, we face an emerging crisis. The long, steep climb in black illegitimacy has been calamitous for black communities and painful for the nation. The reforms I have described will work for blacks as for whites, and have been needed for years. But the brutal truth is that American society as a whole could survive when illegitimacy became epidemic within a comparatively small ethnic minority. It cannot survive the same epidemic among whites.
Mr. Murray, a fellow at the American Enterprise Institute, is the author of "Losing Ground" (Basic, 1984).
© 1996-1998 Yggdrasil. All rights reserved. Distribute texts freely.
Here is somebody's answer. It is American law and an American answer.
RICO and immigration
From: "Mark Krikorian"
RICO and immigration[FYI -- Mark Krikorian]
The Center for Immigration Studies has published a new Backgrounder
entitled "RICO: A New Tool for Immigration Law Enforcement," by Micah King
of the Friends of Immigration Law Enforcement (FILE).From the Backgrounder:
In 1996, Congress expanded the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act (RICO) to include violations of federal immigration law. While this expansion may not have received much publicity, it could potentially change the face of U.S. immigration law enforcement. Under the new RICO provisions, a violation of certain provisions of the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA) meets the definition of racketeering activity, also known as a "predicate offense," and an entity that engages in a pattern of racketeering activity for financial gain can be held both criminally and civilly liable. Among other things, the INA makes it unlawful to encourage illegal immigration or employ illegal aliens, which violations were included as predicate offenses under RICO.
After discussing several such lawsuits already filed against large-scale employers of illegal aliens, the paper concludes:
The inclusion of INA violations as RICO predicate acts in the 1996 immigration reform act was an attempt by Congress to provide private citizens with recourse in the face of widespread disregard for immigration laws. Now, citizens and businesses are beginning to avail themselves of this powerful new tool, and, if the intent of Congress bears fruit, the results could represent a drastic change in immigration law enforcement in the United States, based on private interest as opposed to government enforcement. By providing a strong incentive for employers and businesses to stop engaging in illegal hiring and the encouragement of illegal immigration for financial gain, there is hope to significantly reduce illegal immigration in the United States simply by working through the U.S. courts.
To read the complete Backgrounder on line, go to:
http://www.cis.org/articles/2003/back1103.htmlor for the version more suitable for printing out, go to:
http://www.cis.org/articles/2003/back1103.pdf
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